New Elections in North Macedonia and the Leadership of DUI / AKI
Bujar Osmani as a Front Runner and Questions That Demand Answers
Besim Verdi Abdullai, 05.Nov.2026
From the perspective of a family that values the sacrifices made for Albanian national rights, it is legitimate to demand that every leadership candidate be held accountable for their actions, achievements, and political compromises.
Regarding Bujar Osmani, several specific issues deserve public debate before DUI (BDI) or the AKI coalition decides to present certain political figures as frontrunners (les favoris).
Today, I will present the facts explaining why Bujar Osmani does not meet the standards that my family and I expect — and, I believe, those of other patriotic Albanian families in Ilirida.
Five Issues That Deserve Scrutiny
1. The Nine-Point Plan for Northern Kosovo
In June 2023, Osmani proposed measures that included withdrawing special police units and changing municipal governance arrangements in northern Kosovo. He confirmed that this was his proposal and that of North Macedonia, rather than a consensus decision of the OSCE. 1
This prompted criticism from Kosovo officials and political opponents. Osmani responded that the plan had been coordinated with international allies and was intended to prevent territorial solutions based on ethnicity. 2
My question to Osmani: Which provisions of the plan were implemented, and what concrete benefits did they bring to the sovereignty of Dardania (the Republic of Kosovo)?
In my view, this was a monumental mistake and one that cannot be forgiven.
2. His Position on Open Balkan
Osmani defended the original purpose of the Open Balkan initiative, arguing that it was intended to promote reconciliation between Kosovo and Serbia, mutual recognition, and economic liberalization. 3
On April 15, 2024, Osmani announced that he would propose withdrawing from Open Balkan following developments related to the attack in Banjska. He explained that the initiative had also been conceived as a path toward reconciliation and mutual recognition between Kosovo and Serbia. 4
My question to Osmani: Was this proposal formally submitted to the government? Was it put to a vote? What measurable results did North Macedonia achieve through its participation in this initiative?
In my view, his involvement was a monumental mistake. He appeared to believe that initiatives such as Open Balkan could improve relations between Dardania and Serbia, despite the fact that Serbia has still not fully acknowledged its responsibility for wartime crimes and that the fate of many missing Albanians remains unresolved, including victims whose remains were discovered in mass graves in Serbia.
I regard this as a betrayal of Albanian national interests and an unacceptable concession to Serbian political interests, particularly in light of the legacy of the Srebrenica genocide, which has been recognized by international courts and commemorated by the United Nations.
3. Diplomacy with Russia and Serbia
The participation of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in the 2023 OSCE Ministerial Council meeting in Skopje generated controversy. Osmani argued that allowing his participation was necessary to preserve the organization’s functioning.
Osmani also personally acknowledged that he was the author of the nine-point plan concerning Dardania (the Republic of Kosovo). Critics characterized this plan as harmful and as a betrayal of the national interests of Kosovo Albanians. 5
My question to Osmani: What specific compromises were made during these diplomatic contacts, and what concrete results justified them?
In my view, engaging diplomatically with a figure such as Lavrov was a serious political mistake, especially considering Russia’s actions in Ukraine. I believe a stronger position of diplomatic isolation toward Russian officials — and toward Serbian officials responsible for policies hostile to Kosovo — would have been more appropriate.
As Albanians, we know the historical suffering associated with Serbian and Russian policies in the Balkans. I believe Osmani should have recognized that history and avoided any appearance of defending those governments’ interests.
We should not become advocates for political actors whose policies have historically undermined our national rights.
4. Responsibility for DUI’s Record in Government
According to his official party biography, Osmani served as Minister of Health (2008 — 2011), Deputy Prime Minister for European Affairs (2017 — 2020), and Minister of Foreign Affairs (2020 — 2024). 6
His record can be assessed through concrete outcomes: progress toward European integration, implementation of language rights, institutional transparency, and policies ensuring Albanian representation.
My question to DUI: Which achievements can be directly attributed to Osmani’s decisions, and which objectives remain unfulfilled?
In my opinion, the Albanian language has still not achieved the constitutional status it deserves in Ilirida, and the implementation of language legislation remains inconsistent.
Had I been part of a governing coalition for 23 years, I would have prioritized constitutional amendments explicitly recognizing Albanians and the Albanian language by name, rather than relying on the degrading 20% population threshold currently embedded in the constitutional framework.
Just as Bulgaria has demanded explicit constitutional recognition of the Bulgarian community in North Macedonia, Albanian political representatives should have pursued comparable recognition over the past 23 years.
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We are a state-forming and indigenous people of western North Macedonia (Ilirida). We are neither newcomers nor a community whose historical and political importance should be reduced to a numerical threshold.
5. Transparency and Standards of Political Representation
During the 2024 presidential campaign, Osmani proposed international vetting of public officials concerning corruption and security risks. In an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, subsequently reported by RTV21, he was asked why such a process had not begun within DUI itself. 7
Osmani also stated that he had proposed involving mechanisms associated with the United States, European Union, and NATO in vetting officials and examining the origins of their wealth.
Personally, I regard these statements as largely symbolic and politically hypocritical. In my opinion, serious questions remain about the accumulation of substantial wealth by certain political figures who entered public life with limited financial resources.
My question to Osmani: Would he support the public disclosure of asset declarations, conflict-of-interest reviews, and decision-making records for every candidate, including himself?
In my view, this is a conditio sine qua non — an indispensable requirement — for DUI, AKI, and every Albanian political party before seeking votes from citizens who sincerely value the sacrifices made for Albanian rights.
Those sacrifices were paid for with the blood of martyrs, and their legacy deserves respect, especially from those who claim to represent the same people.
What Do We Know About His Candidacy?
DUI officially endorsed Osmani as its presidential candidate in March 2024. 8
In August 2026, political analyst Ramadan Ramadani mentioned Osmani as a possible successor to Ali Ahmeti. However, this was political analysis, not an official announcement that a new party leader had been selected. 9
One Standard for Every Candidate
For a public debate grounded in the common interest, DUI and AKI should assess every candidate against the same requirements:
🎯 Financial transparency
🎯 Documented achievements in government
🎯 Clear positions on Kosovo’s sovereignty
🎯 Respect for the Ohrid Framework Agreement and constitutional advancement of Albanian rights
🎯 Willingness to respond to criticism with verifiable documentation
The legacy of families that sacrificed for Albanian rights is a compelling reason to demand high standards of accountability. However, that legacy alone does not determine who should lead.
The fundamental question for public debate is:
What has each candidate actually achieved for the citizens they claim to represent? What decisions have they made, and can they substantiate their answers with verifiable evidence?
For me, Bujar Osmani does not pass this test. He has suffered repeated electoral defeats in his home constituency, and I believe his political decisions have betrayed the interests and principles that my family and I hold dear.
In my view, someone who has betrayed those principles once may do so again.
References
1 N1 — North Macedonia’s Foreign Minister Submits Nine-Point Plan for Northern Kosovo https://n1info.rs/english/news/n-macedonia-fm-submits-to-osce-plan-for-normalization-of-situation-in-n-kosovo/
2 KOHA — Osmani Confirms International Requests Concerning the Plan https://www.koha.net/en/arberi/osmani-konfirmoi-kerkesat-e-nderkombetareve-per-planin-dyshime-pse-su-reagua-kur-u-publikua
3 N1 — Open Balkan as an Attempt at Kosovo — Serbia Reconciliation https://n1info.rs/region/ministar-otvoreni-balkan-bio-pokusaj-za-pomirenje-kosova-i-srbije-ramina-ideja/
4 KOHA — Osmani Proposes Withdrawal from Open Balkan https://www.koha.mk/en/osmani-ne-seancen-e-qeverise-do-te-propozoj-terheqjen-nga-iniciativa-ballkani-i-hapur/
5 KOHA — Osmani Acknowledges Authorship of the Nine-Point Plan https://koha.mk/en/bujar-osmani-e-zbulon-isha-autor-i-planit-9-pikesh-per-qetesimin-e-situates-ne-veri-te-kosoves/
6 DUI — Official Biography of Bujar Osmani https://bdi.mk/bujar-osmani-2/
7 Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty — Interview with Bujar Osmani, April 2024 https://www.evropaelire.org/a/pa-ndryshime-kushtetuese-maqedonia-e-veriut-nuk-do-te-kete-qeveri-te-re/32895777.html
8 DUI — Official Endorsement of Osmani’s Presidential Candidacy https://bdi.mk/bdi-konfirmon-listat-per-deputete-dhe-mbeshtetjen-per-frontin-europian-e-kandidaturen-e-osmanit-per-president/
9 Lajme.mk — Ramadan Ramadani Discusses the Future Leadership of DUI https://lajme.mk/ramadani-ky-do-te-jete-kryetari-i-ardhshem-i-bdi-se
